Abstract:There is increasing interest in looking at dialects in NLP. However, most work to date still treats dialects as discrete categories. For instance, evaluative work in variation-oriented NLP for English often works with Indian English or African-American Venacular English as homogeneous categories (Faisal et al., 2024; Ziems et al., 2023), yet even within one variety there is substantial variation. We examine within-dialect variation and show that performance critically varies within categories. We measure speech-to-text performance on Italian dialects, and empirically observe a geographical performance disparity. This disparity correlates substantially (-0.5) with linguistic similarity to the highest performing dialect variety. We cross-examine our results against dialectometry methods, and interpret the performance disparity to be due to a bias towards dialects that are more similar to the standard variety in the speech-to-text model examined. We additionally leverage geostatistical methods to predict zero-shot performance at unseen sites, and find the incorporation of geographical information to substantially improve prediction performance, indicating there to be geographical structure in the performance distribution.
Abstract:Received wisdom in linguistic typology holds that if the structure of a language becomes more complex in one dimension, it will simplify in another, building on the assumption that all languages are equally complex (Joseph and Newmeyer, 2012). We study this claim on a micro-level, using a tightly-controlled sample of Dutch dialects (across 366 collection sites) and Min dialects (across 60 sites), which enables a more fair comparison across varieties. Even at the dialect level, we find empirical evidence for a tradeoff between word length and a computational measure of phonotactic complexity from a LSTM-based phone-level language model-a result previously documented only at the language level. A generalized additive model (GAM) shows that dialects with low phonotactic complexity concentrate around the capital regions, which we hypothesize to correspond to prior hypotheses that language varieties of greater or more diverse populations show reduced phonotactic complexity. We also experiment with incorporating the auxiliary task of predicting syllable constituency, but do not find an increase in the negative correlation observed.